The paper on this theme conducted a comparative study between the legislative systems of 17 Arab countries, using audio-visual demonstration aids for this purpose. The study pointed out the existence of three constitutional powers in all Arab countries: Executive, legislative and judiciary. It also mentioned that the separation of powers is obvious in most Arab constitutions while in some constitutions, this separation is not strictly observed. In the latter case, certain legislative tasks, such as the ratification of laws, were solely entrusted to the head of state exclusively or in conjunction with the legislative council (parliament) on condition it had the head of state's approval.

In Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Oman, the head of state is the legislator par excellence while Majlis Al-Shura (Consultative Council) has no legislative powers and its role is limited to giving advice on legislative matters. In the UAE and Bahrein, the head of state shares with the legislative council (parliament) the legislative duties. No law is issued without the council's ratification.

Most Arab countries have charged the executive power, specifically the head of state, with the right of issuance and publication of laws. Furthermore, all the Arab countries permit the head of state to issue laws by decree, thus sharing, within conditions, in the legislative process. The executive power in all Arab states consists of the head of state and the government. While the executive power in some Arab states is exercised without the intervention of the legislative power, in others it is exercised in conjunction with the legislative power by the electoral process, declaration of allegiance (mubaya'a) or consultation.

Moreover, the Arab states' constitutions stipulated the existence of independent judiciary powers which consisted, in general, of judiciary mechanisms and of constitutional judiciary bodies. Some constitutions, however, relied on constitutional councils and a supreme court for the impeachment of heads of state and ministers as it is in Tunisia, Morocco and Lebanon, while other constitutions relied solely on constitutional councils as it is in Bahrein, Kuwait, Egypt and Sudan, while still other constitutions relied on the supreme court only as it is in Yemen, Syria, Algeria and UAE. In contrast, the constitutions of other states failed completely to adopt constitutional councils or a supreme body for the impeachment of heads of state and ministers.

Furthermore, all Arab states created independent legislative bodies that are visible in their structure and duties despite the difference of these duties between one Arab state and another.

The legislative power in most Arab states is vested in one legislative chamber or council, which took a different name from one state to another, that exercises the role of parliament while, in other states, this power is exercised by two chambers or councils: Parliament and Senate, as is the case in Oman, Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Algeria and Morocco. It is to be noted here, however, that the Senate in Lebanon has not been established despite its adoption by the constitution in line with the Taef Accord.

PARLIAMENT
In general, the administrative bodies of Arab parliaments consist of speaker, vice-speaker, parliament's bureau and parliamentary committees. In some states, such as UAE and Egypt, an additional body, the parliamentary branch, was introduced whose basic duty is to coordinate relations with Arab and world parliaments. Most Arab states introduced a body called parliament's secretariat - general whose task is to supervise the administrative activities and the recording of the minutes of meetings.

On the other hand, most Arab states established bodies that are independent from parliament, but linked to it, such as the central audit office which took a different name from one state to another. In contrast, in Egypt a post was established called "the socialist public prosecutor" whose duty is to take measures that would safeguard people's rights, the security of society and its political order and the preservation of socialist principles.

The presidency of parliament in Arab countries consists of the speaker and vice - speaker. The method for the selection of the speaker differs from one Arab state to another. In some cases, he is elected; in others, he is appointed. In some cases, he takes the oath of office before the members of parliament; in others, he takes the oath before the head of state. Also, the speaker's term of office could be that of the parliament's term or it may not be so.

The speaker's duties have been divided in the study into administrative, organizational and constitutional duties. Moreover, there are three Arab countries - Yemen, Egypt and Tunisia - where the speaker exercises the powers of the head of state should that post become vacant.

As for parliamentary committees, Arab parliaments have adopted the procedure of establishing specialized committees charged in general, with the task of preparing the parliament's groundwork. In this situation, the parliamentary committees came to occupy an important and effective position in the activities and deliberations of parliaments. These committees have been divided into permanent committees chosen from the MPs, or temporary or ad hoc committees set up when necessary.

The total number of parliamentary committees mentioned in the texts of Arab parliaments is 102 committees. It is clear from comparing these committees that there is agreement among the Arab countries as far as the fields and domains of these committees are concerned, despite the difference in the names given to them.

Finally, the order of meetings of the parliamentary committees differs from one Arab country to another. There are closed or in camera sessions and there are public or open sessions. There is also the question of the quorum of these sessions. Some adopt the principle of absolute majority while other adopt relative majority. Voting could also adopt either the absolute or relative majority principle.

PARLIAMENTARY MEMBERSHIP
The study deals with the issue of membership in Arab parliaments through eight variables: acquisition of membership, loss of membership, parliamentary immunity, an MP's job rights, prohibitions imposed on an MP, duties of MPs, contestation of membership, and the parliament's term. Acquisition of membership may be gained through election or appointment.

Three Arab states - Oman, Saudi Arabia and Qatar - practice the appointment of MPs. In Oman, MPs are selected from notables chosen from the provinces. In UAE, they are selected from each emirate in accordance with the laws stipulated by the em. In Egypt, the constitution allows the head of state to appoint ten MPs while the Sudanese constitution allows the appointment of one MP, should a parliamentary seat become vacant. The distribution of parliamentary seats according to the Arab electoral systems is done on the basis of geographic distribution of the electoral constituencies. In Egypt, a different social criterion for the distribution of parliamentary seats was adopted as it allocated half the parliamentary seats to farmers and workers. In Lebanon, the sectarian criterion for the distribution of parliamentary seats, in addition to the geographic distribution, is followed.

As for the loss of a parliamentary seat, some Arab states follow the procedure of waiting for the expiry of the term of parliament in order to refill the vacant seat; other states refill the seat once it has become vacant.

The term of Arab parliaments ranges between 3 and 6 years. Some states - like Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait, Jordan, Palestine, Algeria and Syria - allow the extension of parliament's term.

As for the dissolution of parliament, some Arab states entrusted this task to the head of state while leaving a wide margin for the justification of his decision. In Lebanon, the "new constitution" - the amended constitution - gave the authority for the parliament's dissolution to the government upon a request from the head of state in three situations: parliament's failure to convene, parliament's rejection of the budget and disagreement on constitutional amendments.

Furthermore, the comparative study dealt with the MP's job rights, his compensations, and his rights in proposing laws and proposals for constitutional amendments.

On a different level, the study dealt with the issue of parliamentary immunity. It stated that most Arab states adopted the principal of immunity while Saudi Arabia and Qatar did not. As for the lifting of parliamentary immunity, some Arab states require absolute majority like Yemen, UAE, Jordan, Algeria and Morocco. On the other hand, Oman failed to incorporate a stipulation that would lay out the procedures for lifting parliamentary immunity other than the contingency of being "caught red – handed. “In Iraq, the lifting of parliamentary immunity is the exclusive right of the head of state.

Moreover, the study dealt with the issue of the job rights of MPs. It highlighted the situations when it is possible for an MP to hold a public office in addition to his parliamentary seat, namely holding a parliamentary seat and a ministerial portfolio.

Also, the study dealt with electoral tasks. In this respect, it reviewed the electoral and nomination functions that Arab parliaments perform. It stated that in two Arab states - Yemen and Lebanon - the head of state is elected by parliament; in others, he is elected directly by the people as is the case in Tunisia and Algeria and nominated by parliament as in the case in Syria and Egypt. In others, the transfer of the headship of state is carried out by inheritance or declaration of allegiance (mubaya'a) like Saudi Arabia, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Jordan and Morocco. Moreover, there are states where the head of state is elected by a special body such as the Supreme Union Council in UAE and the Revolutionary Command Council in Iraq.

As for constitutional tasks, the study stated that parliaments in the Gulf states, with the exception of Kuwait, were not granted constitutional tasks. These tasks were reserved to the head of state or to the Supreme Union Council in the case of UAE. On the level of legislative tasks, some Arab states exclusively reserve the right of proposing laws to the MPs while others allow this right to the head of state or the prime minister. As for international treaties which the government signs, some states permit parliament to ratify them while other states confine its role to approval.